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a history of Stamford's workhouse < Back Stamford Poor Law Union Dr Stella Henriques 1979 This article was written by the late Dr Stella Henriques, and first published in the Stamford Historian in February 1979. As a source for the article, Dr Henriques made extensive use of the files of the Stamford Mercury, which at that time were little used by local historians. In a brief introduction, Mr William Kirkwood puts the Stamford workhouse into context. The workhouse described here lasted some 65 years until, in 1899, the Guardians took the decision to build a new workhouse on the Bourne Road (now Ryhall Road); this new building was completed in 1902 and accommodated 175 inmates. After 1930 the new workhouse became a Public Assistance Institution and in 1948 became part of the new National Health Service as St. George’s Hospital. The building was demolished some years ago to make way for retirement housing. Introduction By 1836, when the building of the St. Martin’s workhouse was started, Stamford had known almost a hundred years of experience with town workhouses. During that time there had been two successive houses, one in St. George’s parish and the other in St. Michael’s parish, both of them shared by most or all of the parishes on the town. But a new house was needed after the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act which created a new Stamford Union with a total of 37 parishes covering a large area of Rutland, Northamptonshire, the soke of Peterborough, Kesteven and even parts of Huntingdonshire. With such a large area after 1834, any comparison of figures from before the Amendment Act would be valueless. Yet it is important to remember that the town workhouse before 1834 also served a wider area than just the parish in which it stood. However, it was clearly much too small to serve the area of the new Poor Law Union and thus another one had to be built. The Poor Law Amendment Act had two other main results. It made Stamford for the first (and incidentally for the last) time the administrative centre of a region; and it strengthened the position of the Marquess of Exeter, whose estate it covered and who came to hold the position of Chairman of the Board of Guardians. This last fact does not necessarily however, explain the siting of the new workhouse. Most of Stamford’s land was as yet unenclosed, which made it difficult to find building land; so that the offer of the Marquess of a suitable site in St Martin’s parish would seem to have been an act of generosity. Not long after the period described below, the workhouse was rebuilt once more in St George’s parish, this time on the Ryhall Road. The present building is the second one on that site, having been erected in the twentieth century. 1836-1837 On January 20th 1836, the Marquess of Exeter laid before the new Stamford Union Board of Guardians a plan and estimate for a workhouse to contain 300 paupers. The buildings were to cover ‘2 rood and 10 perches of land and their expense was estimated by Mr Browning (the architect) at £3,880.’ Lord Exeter offered to sell for the purpose a piece of land on the north side of the road leading from St Martin’s to Pilsgate. Some people didn’t approve of this site as they considered it to be ‘low, damp and unhealthy, being in the neighbourhood of the river, and adjacent to meadows subject to being flooded’, and a Building Committee was appointed to investigate the whole subject of site and plan of the building. However, the committee decided that the new workhouse should be built on the site offered subject to some alterations to the plan, and when these were done it was adopted on the understanding that the alterations would increase the expense by £100. The house was to contain six wards: one for 40 able-bodied men, one for 40 able-bodied females, one for 51 infirm men, one for 51 infirm females, one for 60 boys and another for 60 girls. The Marquess accepted the proposed terms of £100 per acre. The plans were sent to the Board of Commissioners in London for approval and an application was made for a loan of £4,800 for building the workhouse, to be repaid in ten annual instalments of £480 each. Tenders for building the workhouse were now received, and that of Mr. Pilkington was accepted at a price of £3,645, exclusive of the charge for a wall to surround the whole premises which would cost £500 more. It was feared that there would be extra expense for the foundations ‘as the site is that of an exhausted stone pit’. In fact the site was questioned in mid-March when the contractor stated that to make the foundation on that spot would cost £900 more than had been allowed for in the estimate, and feelings ran high. The Marquess was entreated to consent to abandon the site but he refused to do so and in April, Mr Pilkington was told to fulfil his contract, the time for completing it being extended to the 25th March 1837 ‘in consideration of the time (as well as money) lost in the foundations.’ The vicar of St Martin’s complained that there would be an increase of clerical duties as the workhouse would be in his parish, so a Chaplain had to be appointed; also there was a necessity of providing a burial ground for the use of the Union. The loan of £4,000 was granted at 4% per annum and a petition was forwarded that the period for repayment be extended to 20 years. Fire insurance was to be borne at the joint expense of the Union and the contractor. In September, the corn-mill and dressing machine which had been ordered arrived from Birmingham; these were now put up so that there might be employment for such able-bodied men who might be admitted. The request by the Chaplain to the workhouse ‘that a surplice be found for him’ in addition to his £25 a year was ignored by common consent. Previously, the Board had met in the Town Hall, but on 5th May 1837, the Guardians met for the first time in the Board-room of the new workhouse, and a few days later, 17 men, 13 women, 22 children and two lunatics (sex unknown) had arrived from the earlier town poorhouse. 1850 In January 1850 there were 250 inmates, 49 more than the previous year at the same time; 917 persons were recipients of out-door relief as against 813 in 1849, and the cost of weekly maintenance was now £79. 8s. 0d as against £76. 5s. 5d in 1849. The following month, numbers were diminishing as far as able-bodied men were concerned as ‘work in the field was about to commence.’ On March 13th, the Inspector of Union schools made a favourable report on the industrial training of the children. It was also ordered that the inmates of the Union house should have two half-day holidays to visit Stamford mid-Lent fair and that the children should have a gratuity of 1d piece on each day. There were 165 paupers in the house, 35 less than at the same time in 1849. Contracts for supplies consisted of bread (2nds), per 4lb loaf, 3 ¾d; flour, per stone, 1/7d; Scotch oatmeal per 32 lbs, 4/6d; beef and mutton per stone 5/3d; black tea per lb 3/4d; Jamaica sugar, per lb 4d; Leicestershire cheese per lb. 6d; Patna rice per lb. 2d; salt per cwt 1/9d; yellow soap per cwt. £2. 2s. 0d; store candles per doz. 4/9d; butter (Dutch) per lb 9d; soda per cwt. 8/-; and hard pit coal, per ton 12/8d. It was interesting to note that by 1870 there were some changes and additions. The 4lb loaf was 4 ½d; beef and mutton had become separated and beef without bone per stone was 8/11d; mutton per stone 7/11d; suet (beef and mutton) per stone 6/9d; loaf sugar per lb 5d; peas (split) per bushel 7/6d; butter (salt) per lb 1/- or fresh per lb 1/4d; tallow soap (mottled) per cwt. £1.15.6; tallow soap (yellow) per cwt. £1.10.0. In March 1850 the Schoolmaster and Schoolmistress made an application for an increased allowance of rations on the grounds that the rations were more liberal for similar persons in the Unions of Bourne, Spalding and Sleaford, but as it was stated that the Stamford salaries were higher than in the other places the application was left ‘undetermined’. In April the Mercury reported that ‘In the face of much zealous prophecy to the contrary, the lower classes in this part of the country are happily better off than they had been for a long period. The complaints of deficiency of work are comparatively few, and able-bodied men find employment at a fair rate of wages. The Great Eastern Railway works at Peterborough afford labour to very many hands, and we hear that the Marquis of Exeter employs more than a hundred persons in some agricultural improvements he is effecting at King’s Cliffe.’ There were fewer inmates and the number of casual paupers nil; there had been 131 at the same time in the previous year. The Mercury concludes ‘Whatever may be the cause of this decrease of pauperism, the fact is gratifying in a moral and social point of view, and it will of course prove beneficial to the rate payers.’ In May, the returns continued to show a fall in the numbers: 143 inmates compared with 156 in 1849. Admission of casual paupers was three against 79 in May 1949. ‘It is believed the Bath Test is the principal agent which deters the application of vagrants. Not one in 100 will submit to a thorough washing.’ The following month the figures were even lower. The Government Inspector of Schools visited the Union-house in September and in the Visitors’ Book remarked that he found the state of education very satisfactory but there was ‘room for improvement in the spelling of the lower classes.’ Contracts were entered into for supplying shoes and drapery. By November, applications for outdoor relief were increasing – mainly for the infirm, widows and children. It was hoped that the start of works near Lynn on the Norfolk and Lincolnshire Estuary would give employment throughout the winter to labourers who couldn’t find jobs nearer home. At the December meeting of the Guardians, the Medical Officer complained that two of the sick inmates had greatly abused him, and that one of them had seized a poker and advanced towards him in a ‘threatening attitude.’ The second man had refused to take his medicine and said that he wasn’t being properly treated. However, the doctor was able to prove that this was not the case and the man was reprimanded. When the first patient was summoned to be sent before the Magistrates, it was found that he had discharged himself and left the premises. For Christmas Day, the Guardians subscribed among themselves and provided ‘festal fare’. Each man, woman and child was regaled with roast beef, plum pudding and ale, to the complete satisfaction of all. 32 able-bodied and 30 aged men, 42 able-bodied and 7 aged women, 42 boys and 41 girls and 11 infants. 1870 In January 1870, a man who came to Stamford as a confectioner was taken ill and complained that he had been kept in the Vagrant ward for two months. One of the Guardians (Dr Hopkinson) said that it wasn’t a proper place for a person suffering from disease and the Medical Officer was asked for an explanation. One cannot help feeling that the Medical Officer enjoyed giving it, for in his statement ‘he described the nature of the disease under which the man was suffering, and said that the infirmary of the Union-house was so full that the patient was really better in the tramp-ward than in the infirmary, the area of the latter not affording the proper number of cubic feet of air for those sent there’. He also referred to a minute made by him as far back as 10th June 1868, in which he pointed out the necessity of appropriating the fever hospital as an infirmary and using the infirmary as an infirm ward, and that a qualified nurse ought to be engaged by the Guardians. The Guardians agreed to the engagement of a nurse and Mr Heward (the M.O.) followed this up by asking for a small room in the house for a surgery ‘where he might see some of the patients and dispense medicine, and that a medicine chest with medicine be furnished by the Guardians his remuneration as a Medical Officer of the house being insufficient, taking into account the number of patients and the quantity of medicine required.’ This was discussed the following month. One of the Board members complained that at the Stamford and Rutland Infirmary the cost of medicine and instruments came to 4/6d per patient and of that 3/6d was spent on drugs, and that in a large dispensary in Berkshire, it was only 1/9d per patient. It was explained that in a district where low fevers and ague prevailed as in Lincolnshire, more costly medicine was used. So it was decided that the M.O. should have a room set aside for a surgery, his salary should be raised from £25 to £35 per annum and Cod liver oil and Quinine should be paid for extra as usual. Some weeks later a nurse for the infirmary was appointed. The severity of the weather in February brought about an increase in the number of able-bodied men seeking relief. In cases of families, bread was given, but in the main admission to the house was offered. A Poor-Law Inspector who was leaving the district reported that the receiving wards required to be whitewashed and properly furnished; the vagrant wards were in a dilapidated state and required more light and ventilation; the children’s day rooms and schoolrooms should have ‘boarden’ instead of stone floors; and the house generally required to be painted and whitewashed. When these recommendations were considered, the boarding of the schoolroom floors was resisted on the ground that they would need to be washed frequently and as they took a long time drying, there would be a greater risk than at present in the children catching cold. A notice containing a list of women, girls and boys requiring situations was affixed outside the Union-house gate. In April, an extremely heated discussion took place on the meaning of the term ‘destitution’. This arose from the case of a woman who had applied for relief. She was a widow with two children and lived in a house of £8. She had been helped in paying this by her uncle who had died. She had managed to keep herself by using her savings and small earnings for three years, but could do so no longer. It was contended against her claim for relief that while she had furniture, she could not be considered destitute. The Board agreed that in justice to the Ratepayers she must be refused relief; but in opposition it was remarked that the Board should be considered Guardians of the poor as well as the ratepayers, and that having so long tried to keep her family without troubling the Union, she should not be compelled to sell her household goods before she could claim relief. The application was refused by five votes to four. The number of inmates was and had been higher for some months than at the same period in the previous year, e.g. May 6th 1870, 203; 1869, 169; Outdoor relief was however less; 1870, 799 (£89. 19. 3) and 1869, 818 (£108. 3. 5). Seventy four vagrants were admitted. At the latter part of May, a large number of wives of Militia men applied for relief, their husbands being at Grantham for training, and allowances were made. The severe winter had been followed by a prolonged drought and in June many able-bodied men were out of work and applied for relief. The drought lasted for nearly three months with no ‘sensible amount of rain except for one day’. However, later some work was found in Southorpe woods, the steward of the estate having started grubbing operations earlier than intended so that the pressure of able-bodied applicants was somewhat diminished. A brick-maker from Bourne was summoned to appear to explain why he had not contributed to the support of his father who had been an inmate for some years; other sons were also summoned and the brick-maker was ordered (on order from Bourne Sessions) to pay 2/- per week for his father’s support. Later the father left the house. July 19th. The applications for relief were fewer but the number in the house continued in excess of the average – 185 as against 146 the year before and 60 vagrants. It was noted that one batch of bread was ‘very heavy’. On July 22nd the Marquess of Exeter gave permission for the Union School children to have a picnic in Burghley Park and sent £6 to be expended on small presents for the party. The 84 children were given tea, cake, fruit and a number of swings and other amusements were provided. Each child was given a basket of fruit. August. The new Poor Law Inspector reported that he was satisfied to find ‘that certain suggestions made by his predecessor had been carried out and that all the inmates of whom he had made enquiry admitted that they were kindly treated’. He also suggested, among other things, that there should be a fence in front of the infirmary to ‘keep the patients from the paupers who work or walk in the garden’. And that the receiving wards should be ventilated. It was agreed by the Board that the contract for meat next quarter should be beef and mutton separately, and not in aggregate, and that henceforward the inmates should have mutton twice a week and beef on Sundays. The relieving officer was asked to prepare a list of aged recipients of out-relief who would prefer to be paid entirely in money instead of money and bread. The intention to enclose the front of the infirmary with a ha-ha fence was recommended and the labour for such could be found in the house. As the autumn approached so did unemployment increase and also applicants for relief, many of whom had come from long distances in search of work. In October as there was a large number of old and some able-bodied men in the house without work, it was decided that they set to oakum picking. The cost of the material was 13/- per cwt and when picked was worth 20/-, so it was agreed to buy a ¼ of a ton of junk, inmates to pick 3lbs per day and tramps 1lb. December. The Central Board issued an order on the boarding out of pauper children. Previously children could not be placed in homes beyond the limit of their own Union. However the Guardians were now empowered to do so. The order recommended that there should be no boarding with out-door paupers; that, in the foster parents open air should be preferred to sedentary labour, that special attention should be paid to decent accommodation and the proper separation of the sexes; that great care should be taken to provide children with education and with clothing; and that all boarding out in large towns to be avoided. Christmas was now approaching and the usual Christmas dinner for the inmates was voted and it was also determined to give an extra shilling to families on out relief. The dinner was to be given on the 26th as Christmas Day fell on a Sunday. Before this, the inmates had a dinner of roast beef and plum pudding on the 20th to celebrate the coming of age of Lord Burghley. The Marquess sent £10 to be spent on articles for the women and children. There was also a Christmas tree for the children but that was reserved for the 26th. It was unfortunate that ‘owing to bad cooking’ the Christmas dinner for the 207 inmates was not enjoyed as much as usual. The number of inmates on December 30th 1869 and 1870 were as follows: 1870 1869 Inmates 207 215 Out-relief 797 856 A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

< Back Stamford Races 1849 - Admission Ticket to the Red Stand on Thursday July 19th 1849 Submitted by Chris Hunt Stamford Racecourse was on Wittering Heath, this ticket was for one of the temporary stands erected for race days. The permanent stone-built Grandstand survives, all be it rebuilt as a permanent residence at the east end of Racecourse Road. The ticket is 90mm by 60mm. A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

< Back A walk around Stamford town centre post boxes By Trish Auciello For a small town, Stamford has a wide range of postboxes covering six monarchs, and examples of all of these can be found in and around the town centre, covering the three main types of post box: - pillar: free standing, usually cylindrical - wall: rectangular, in the wall of a building or sometimes with its own brick surround - lamp: a smaller rectangular box, either attached to a lamp post or on its own supporting pole This is a self-guided walk to visit the postboxes, it will take about 60-75 minutes, although this can be extended to include shopping or a coffee somewhere along the way. It is circular so it can be started at any convenient point. Note: the route involves walking alongside and crossing busy roads, and you will need to take responsibility for your own safety at all times. We start at the railway station, obviously handy for those arriving by train, but also close to the Cattle Market car park. Here you will find a Victoria wall box on platform 1. Most postboxes have the cypher of the reigning monarch when they were installed and this one has VR, Victoria Regina, who reigned from 1837 to 1901. The station was opened in 1848, and is now a Grade II* listed building and wall boxes were first introduced in 1857. From the station, walk along Station Road where you can see a George V pillar box across the road junction on the corner of High Street Saint Martin’s and Water Street. Cross the busy road with care for a closer look. George V reigned from 1910 to 1936 and his cypher is GR. Although you might expect his cypher to show GVR in some form as the fifth King George, he took the view that he was the first George with a postbox so GR was quite sufficient. This box is the only GR on our walk. Walk along Water Street right to the end to see an Elizabeth II lamp box , outside the old Stamford East station, now converted to two houses. Elizabeth II reigned from 1952 to 2022, and her cypher is EIIR. This is the closest lamp box to the town centre and the only one on our walk. Retrace your steps, cross the Albert Bridge, and walk up Albert Road. Turn right at the top onto Wharf Road, and look across to see an Elizabeth II wall box, opposite the Wharf Road car park entrance, on the wall of what used to be the Co-operative dairy, now residential. This may have been a Victorian box that has been replaced in recent years. Continue up Wharf Road and turn right at the end into Saint Leonard’s Street. Walk along here, past the mini roundabout, onto Priory Road, to see an Edward VII wall box on the corner of Cherry Holt Road. Edward VII reigned from 1901 to 1910, his cypher was EVIIR in a very ornate script. There are only two EVIIR post boxes, both wall, in Stamford. Cross Priory Road, and turn left into Pinfold Lane. At the top, at the roundabout, turn right to cross Uffington Road, then left in front of the early 14 th century Friary gate. The associated plaque mentions Whitefriars and over the years there has been much interchangeability of names between White and Grey Friaries. Recent studies suggest that this is the gate for Greyfriars, in which case you are standing on the spot where Elizabeth I passed through the gate, and who stayed in the friary building inside, as a guest of Lord Burghley. Turn right to walk down Ryhall Road to see Britain’s third rarest type of post box, an Edward VIII pillar box , outside what was a sub post office, now a barber’s shop. Edward VIII only reigned from January to December 1936 and his cypher is EVIIIR. There were about 271 post boxes installed during his short reign, and only about 130 still exist with his cypher, although others may have had the doors changed to a later monarch. I say third rarest because, in addition to the pillar boxes, there are only one or two wall boxes in existence, including one in Bawdsey in Suffolk. Currently, the second rarest post box is Charles III, although this will change as more are installed. Perhaps we’ll see a CIIIR in Stamford one day. Retrace your steps slightly to cross Ryhall Road, and turn left along Ryhall Road. Stay right at the mini roundabout onto Saint Paul’s Street, crossing the end of East Street, to continue towards the town centre. Our second Edward VII wall box is on the right outside Stamford School. Continue along Saint Paul’s Street, crossing Star Lane, into the High Street to the Elizabeth II pillar box outside Stamford Library. From here, you can either go up the narrow lane to the left of the library, Goldsmith’s Lane, usually known as the library passage, and turn left at the top into Broad Street, or turn right further down the High Street into Ironmonger Street which will also lead you to Broad Street. Cross Broad Street and turn left to the Elizabeth II pillar box outside Browne’s Hospital. Browne’s Hospital is an almshouse, and house of prayer, originally built in 1475, by William Browne, a wealthy wool merchant. Visit their website for more information, including opening times. The almshouses at the rear of the building are still in use today. Cross Broad Street again and pause at the top of Ironmonger Street to see a “ ghost box” where a wall box used to be. It’s possible this box was relocated to Kesteven Road, where there’s a GR (1910-1936) wall box in a 1950s housing estate. Continue down Ironmonger Street, turn right into the High Street, and turn left into Cheyne Lane, which is between Fairfax & Favor and the Cornish Bakery. At the bottom, turn right onto Saint Mary’s Street and walk a short distance to the only Victoria pillar box in town. From here, you can look down Saint Mary’s Hill to see the Town Hall on the left and the town bridge over the River Welland at the bottom of the hill. You can either continue along Saint Mary’s Street and follow the road round to the right to walk up Saint John’s Street into Red Lion Square, but, as the road here is busy and the pavement very narrow, you might prefer to return to the High Street and turn left to walk down to the square. At the end of the High Street, cross into Red Lion Square, and head diagonally right, past Nelson’s Butchers to the corner with All Saints’ Place, turn left and you will find two wall boxes at the post office . These don’t have a cypher, but a stone carving above them shows the cypher of GVIR and date of 1937. Continue into All Saints’ Street, where a visit can be made to Harrison & Dunn , a traditional ironmonger’s shop, otherwise turn left into Mallory Lane and down into Sheep Market. Cross the road and walk down Castle Dyke to the path across the meadows back to Station Road to complete our circuit. If you have enjoyed looking for Stamford’s town centre boxes, and want to see more, there are 38 in total in the town itself - happy hunting! Trish Auciello ©️August 2025 A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

Are you interested in your family history? Do you have ancestors in or around Stamford? The Stamford Local History Society may be able to help with your research, contact us today. FAMILY HISTORY In conjunction with Stamford Library, volunteers from the Society assist the public in utilising all of the freely available digital platforms to trace their ancestors. Our Workshops The Society hosts weekly family history and research sessions at Stamford Library, making use of online databases and the library’s Local History Collection. These include but are not limited to the following: You can seek advice on searching for Military Records, using Census information from 1841, finding Births, Marriages and Deaths, and delving into past newspaper articles. The workshops take place on Wednesday mornings between 10.30 and 12.30 and are led by officers and committee members of the Society. These sessions are free to both members and non-members and a Lincolnshire Library Card is required.

< Back October 31st 1940 - The Luftwaffe Comes to Stamford. An eyewitness account. Geoff Jones and N.J. Sheehan In 2024, eyewitness Dorothy Pridmore recalled the early moments of the attack on the town 84 years previously. ‘I was 13 years old and a pupil at Stamford High School. I was at Stamford Railway Station waiting to take the train to Oakham to meet my parents on my way home from school to Seaton where we lived. It was a cold winter’s day and I had taken shelter in the waiting room when I heard what I thought were hailstones hitting the railway tracks. They were actually bullets being fired from the German plane as it approached the town from the direction of Leicester. After a train passed through the station, schoolboys went onto the tracks to retrieve the bullets. No-one was hurt and I was able to cross the railway bridge to the westbound platform to catch my train.’ More information regarding the events of that day can be found in Articles under the title ‘The Luftwaffe Comes to Stamford’ A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

< Back Blackstone & Co Works Rules 1916 Chris Hunt 2018 WORKS RULES FOR THE EMPLOYEES OF BLACKSTONE & Co., Ltd., RUTLAND ENGINEERING WORKS STAMFORD February 28th 1916 1. Working Hours. The Buzzer will sound ten minutes before and at the times for commencing work, namely 6 a.m., 8.30 a.m. and 2 p.m. It will also sound at the times for leaving off work, namely, 8 a.m., 1 p.m., and 5.30 p.m., and at 12 noon on Saturday. For night shifts the hours to be from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. 2. Meal Times. Day-time 8 to 8.30 a.m., and 1 p.m. to 2 p.m. Night-time 9 p.m. to 10 p.m., with a break of 15 minutes at 2 p.m., during which period the machinery will not be stopped. 3. Overtime. Overtime is to be worked when, and to what extent required. All time lost during the week shall be made up before overtime is reckoned. 4. Orders. Orders and directions issued by the Managers and Foremen must be carried out promptly and efficiency. 5. Losing Time. Special attention must be paid to good time-keeping, in order that the output of the Establishment may be as effective as possible. Illness should be the sole justification for absence from work and such absence should be covered by a Doctor’ Certificate. 6. Piecework. Piece or contract work is to be worked as, when, and where required by the Management. In all cases of piecework the time rates will be guaranteed. 7. Time Recording. All men, when starting work, will be given a number and be provided with a card with the number upon it for use in the time-recording clocks. Upon this each man is expected to enter the time spent on the various jobs upon which he is employed. Great care is to be taken in booking the correct order numbers and quantities on his time card. All time cards must be given in each week to the Foreman on Wednesday night. Time Cards may be stamped in the morning any time from 5.50 to 6.30. Every minute made after6 will count, but after 6.30 no time can be booked until 8.30. Each man must stamp his card as follows: ----- On entering in the morning before breakfast. On commencing work after breakfast. On commencing work after dinner. On finishing for the day. The card must then be left in the proper partition provided in the box. Night hands must stamp on commencement at 6 p.m.: on leaving at 9 p.m.: on entering at 10 p.m.: and when leaving at 6 a.m. Cards must not be stamped more than ten minutes before working hours. Time will be made up and paid to the nearest quarter of an hour. Each man must see that his name, number, and the date are properly filled in. Under no circumstances can anyone stamp another’s card, by so doing he renders himself liable to instant dismissal, as also by defacing the stamping on his card. 8. Payment of Wages. Payment to be made at 12 noon on Saturday, with the exception of the night shift men, who will be paid at 6 p.m. on Fridays. 9. Care of Tools. Small tools are to be obtained from the tool room, and a check filled in by the man who receives such tools will be deposited in their place, which check will be given back when the tools are returned. Upon any man leaving or being discharged his tools must be given up to the Tool Room Foreman. Tools broken or not returned will be charged for at cost price. 10. Cleaning of Machines. No part of any machine or machinery is on any account to be cleaned or wiped down while any part of the machine is in motion. The cleaning or the wiping down of any machine or of any machinery is to be done only by those in charge of the machinery or machine tools, or by such other person as may be appointed by the Foreman or Works Manager. The last half-hour of Saturday morning is allowed for cleaning and is paid for at daywork rate. 11. Accidents. Any accident to persons or machinery is to be reported at once to the Foreman in charge. Workmen are strictly prohibited from putting on driving belts. This work, and the repairing of belts, is to be done only by the belt man or such person as may be appointed. Where belts have to be applied, or in cases where it is necessary to effect repairs to shafts, bearings, &c., the shafts must be at rest. Workmen are specially cautioned against wearing any loose jacket or sleeve or loose garment of any kind when working at, or in close proximity to, machines or machinery in motion, or which is liable to be put in motion. 12. Commencing and remaining at work. Every man will be provided with a copy of the Rules when starting work for the first time, and is expected to read and abide by them. When a man is engaged he must sign the works register and his signature will be his receipt for the book of rules. Every man must be in his place and at work immediately the buzzer has ceased to sound. All workman must enter and leave the works by the workmen’s entrance and make their way to and from their departments by the appointed roads and doors. 13. Absence from Work. Any man absenting himself without informing his foreman as to the cause, and who is absent for a period exceeding two consecutive days, must report himself to his Foreman before recommencing. 14. Fires. Workmen using portable fires are to exercise every precaution to eliminate any possibility of danger to the surroundings or building. No such fires may be lighted without orders. 15. Permit to leave the works during working hours. No one is allowed to pass out of the works during working hours, without a permit duly signed by the Foreman of the Department of the Works Manager. 16. Material. No material will be issued from the Stores without an order signed by the Foreman. 17. Offences. Any employee found guilty of any of the following offences shall be liable to a fine or to dismissal: --- Employing his time in carrying out work other than that for the Company. Loitering in the lavatories or using them for any purpose other than those for which they are intended. Talking, other than connected with the business, and loitering in the works or being away from his department or work without permission. Breaking open any fast lock place or opening or removing tools, &c., from any workman’s drawer or tool chest or from a bench or machine without authority. Smoking within the work gates during ordinary working hours. Bringing intoxicating liquor, or being intoxicated within the works. Bringing any person into the works without permission. Using waste, oil or any articles otherwise than as directed or for the purpose for which same is given out. Taking chips or any articles whatever out of the works without a permit signed by the Works Manager. Refusing to obey any lawful order of the Manager, Foreman or other Superintendent. Committing any act of dishonesty. Taking Time Cards off the rack other than their own. 18. Holidays. The following holidays shall be observed as works holidays. EASTER. The Works will close at 1 o’clock on the Thursday before Good Friday and be reopened on the following Tuesday morning at 8.30 o’clock. WHITSUNTIDE. The Works will close on the Saturday before Whitsun, and be re-opened on the following Tuesday morning at 8.30 o’clock. AUGUST. The Works will close on the Saturday before Bank Holiday at 12 o’clock, and be re-opened on the following Tuesday at 8.30 o’clock. The Annual Holiday will be fixed as nearly as possible for the last week in August. CHRISTMAS. The Works will close on Christmas Eve at 1 o’clock and there will be two days’ holiday in addition to Christmas Day, the Works re-opening on the third day after Christmas Day at 8.30 o’clock. These Holidays are liable to alteration as and when determined by the conditions existing at the period the holiday falls due, and notices regarding same will be posted in due time. Note The original rule book measures three inches by four and a half inches. The eighteen rules are printed in a small type face on nine pages of a twelve page pamphlet in red covers. The date February 28th 1916 is printed on the title page. A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

< Back Don’t Meddle with my Business! A sixteenth century warning Professor Alan Rogers 2012 The following letter, a transcript of an original in private hands and unpublished until now, throws light on both the workings of Stamford Town Council and its relationship with central government. It is also particularly interesting in showing how a key supporter of the Tudor monarchs protected his interests vigorously. Context: On 15 January 1553/4 it was announced that Mary Tudor, the new queen of England, was to marry Phillip II of Spain. Almost exactly six months earlier, on the death of her half-brother Edward VI, there had been a failed attempt to overturn Henry VIII’s Act of Settlement of 1543 and place Lady Jane Grey on the throne. Any suspicions and reservations which may have remained from Mary’s delayed accession were exacerbated by this marriage announcement. Inadvisably, Sir Thomas Wyatt, apparently outraged that an English monarch should consider such a marriage, tried to raise enough support to prevent the union of the two sovereign states. Initially, it appeared he had succeeded, and he moved with a small army from the west towards London reaching Ludgate and Temple Bar on 8th February, 1554. However, the many promises of troops, made by erstwhile supporters, did not materialise. The forces he had brought with him from his native Kent melted away and, crucially, royal resistance was active, determined and effective. So Wyatt had no alternative but to surrender at the gates of the City of London and trust to the mercy of the monarch and her advisers. Tried for treason on 15 March at Westminster, he was executed on 11 April. John Russell, first earl of Bedford, our letter writer, lord privy seal and at the heart of the government, was more than aware of all that was going on. Though now well advanced in years, born about 1485 and nearing seventy, he had profited substantially in every sense from a close friendship with Henry VIII. Russell had been created earl of Bedford in January 1550, just three months after he refused to move troops to Windsor to help the then protector the duke of Somerset. Russell had been using them to suppress rebels in the south-west where he had very substantial land-holdings. This proved the critical decision in the power struggle between Somerset and Northumberland; Somerset’s protectorate fell apart less than a week later. Not only did Russell reap a title from Northumberland as a result, he acquired yet more property, notably Somerset’s Long Acre estate to west of the City of London, formerly the kitchen garden of the abbey of Westminster and including Covent Garden which lay just to the north of Cecil property on the Strand. A convinced supporter of state over church, he then found himself called upon to support Northumberland’s advocacy of Lady Jane Grey as queen of England which he did most reluctantly. But Bedford moved quickly away from that faction backing Lady Jane Grey in the summer of 1553, and joined Sir William Cecil and others uneasy with what was being forced on the country. He preferred to continue his long-established relationship with the Tudor dynasty. Thus he was one of those who proclaimed Mary queen on July 19, 1553. Given that he had known her since the 1530s when his wife was one of Mary’s ladies and that he had been her supporter when such a course was dangerous, he had excellent credentials and was quickly pardoned for that reluctant support of Lady Jane Grey. Perhaps anxious to prove his loyalty beyond doubt, and to all, he insisted six months later on commanding loyal forces at the key river crossing of London Bridge during Wyatt’s rebellion. So by February 1554, when this letter was written, Bedford was back in favour, a significant figure at court, a great landowner and, ultimately the founder of a great dynasty. He writes a letter both of reassurance and warning to the town of Stamford with which he has the closest of links. Just a couple of weeks or so earlier Sir Thomas Wyatt had been arrested and was now safely lodged in the Tower of London, awaiting trial. Hence Bedford writes, “But thankes be given, unto god, all things arre nowe in good quyetnes here.” From his privileged position, at the heart of government, he knows all is well under control and secure, and that troops from Stamford will not be needed. No doubt the news of Wyatt’s surrender had already reached the town, but this letter came from the highest echelons of government – Stamford should have been well aware that the steward of their town knew exactly what was happening where it mattered. But clearly Bedford’s letter had another purpose: no one should consider usurping Bedford’s role in Stamford. In his letter he makes it clear he is in charge in Stamford also. The heading of the first meeting of the town council after Mary’s accession and after their equivalent of an annual general meeting, reads: Staunford Monday namely the vjth day of the month of November in the first year of the reign of the foresaid queen [1553] before Henry Lacy gentleman deputy of John Russell knight Lord Russell Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Bedford and one of the Council of the lady queen, head steward there ..... There can be no doubt of John Russell’s standing in the town; he had been head steward of the town since 1543 and his letter witnesses he did not regard his stewardship as a sinecure. The Alderman or Mayor, William Campenet a draper, and (Russell assumes) his fellows, have together made him aware what has been going on within the town, and he is grateful to them. But also one can almost hear the earl rumbling, “What does Lord Willoughby think he is up to? He’s trying to exercise my responsibilities. We’ll have nothing of this.” Above all else, he writes, “the Manridden is under my leading.” This unfamiliar, and interesting word, essentially archaic though resurrected by a few historians recently, is defined most usefully by the Oxford English Dictionary as meaning “the men whom a lord could call upon in time of war” and thus “a supply of men for military purposes”. So it is absolutely clear that Bedford would himself have expected to call out the Stamford muster (and possibly other local forces) as steward of the town of Stamford. It presents us with a rare example in Stamford of the steward taking action and actual responsibility. Normally he, and others, had presided in absentia, using the services of a local deputy, over the swearing in of the town’s chief officer and magistrate, the alderman. While he had been steward of the town for just ten years Russell’s links with the area were far closer. As the third husband of Ann Sapcote, and thus related by marriage to the Semark family of Thornhaugh his links to David and Richard Cecil, William’s grandfather and father were close. When Bedford died a year after this letter was written, in early 1555, Sir William Cecil in his mid-thirties was already well-established in the royal secretariat. Knighted by Edward VI in 1551, Cecil was poised to become Elizabeth’s secretary just three years later. It would be interesting to uncover the links between the rising courtier, the young William Cecil, and the experienced royal servant, Russell, during the key period from 1535 to 1550. The Letter Note: a single oblique stroke shows where the text reaches the end of a line; the double oblique indicates an oblique stroke used by the writer as a form of punctuation. Capital letters and spellings are as in the original. After my veary hartie commendations // I have receaved /your letter understandinge by the same that youe / thinke my Lord Willoughbye will muster men shortly / in Stampforde to serve the quenes ma[jes]tie // wherefore / I gyve youe harty thankes that you wold gyve / me advertisement therof // But thankes be given / unto god, all things arre nowe in good quyetnes / here so that his lordship shall not neede to / muster Anye men // Nevertheles when so / ever his lordship or any other shall muster men / there // I will that none within that my Office / do stirre or go with them, what so ever they be // / for the Manredden [1] is under my leading / to do the quenes ma[jes]ti service when oratyor/ shall serve [2] and no man shall have to / do therewith but I // and so I byd you all harty / fare well from the Court at West mynster / the xjth of February 1553 Your loving frend J Bedford [Signature in another hand, presumably Bedford’s] The Address and endorsement [on reverse] Handwriting as main letter: To my veary loving frendes Mr Alderman and his Bretherne of the Towne of A new hand: Febr 1553 John Bedfords letter of thankes o Stamford for letting himto understand of my L[ord] Willoughbys musteringe & that they shold refuse to go with him or any one but with him self [1] See Introduction above for this archaic term. [2] Obscure phrase in this context, but possibly meaning “when the summons occurs”. A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

< Back Eat, Drink and Be Merry – the 1831 Stamford Election John S. Hartley It is almost impossible to provide precise modern equivalents of prices in this earlier period. Nevertheless the Bank of England offers a website which may help a little: https://www.bankofengland.co.uk/monetary-policy/inflation/inflation-calculator . The equivalents given below, based on this calculator, are very approximate therefore, and give only a rough guide to the buying power of the pound for goods and services purchased in the UK. However precise or not the figures may be, they provide some sort of basis for comparison between sums of money mentioned in this article. Please note that I have made no attempt to impose apostrophes on the names of these establishments where they should (or might) have been used – the nineteenth century generally did not worry – and I do not! Whether the Blacksmiths Arms belonged to one or many is of no matter here – immaterial, equally, is whether the Arms refer to a heraldic achievement or the hairy arms of a working man! A few years ago, a large number of papers relating to the Stamford election of 1831 appeared, piecemeal, for sale on eBay. While deploring the splitting an archive into individual items, and “cherry-picking” those of apparent greatest interest - this article tries to make the best of a bad job! Among the many items on sale were a few invoices, presented to Charles Tennyson and his supporters by landlords of the public houses where voters had enjoyed his hospitality around the time he became MP for Stamford in May 1831. Individually scarcely more than curiosities, these invoices are a reminder of a time when Britain was in turmoil as those long-used to ruling the country, privileged by birth, wealth and connections, tried to keep a close control of Parliament for the continuing benefit of themselves, their families and their friends. Many of these families, absolutely certain that they alone knew what was best for the country, regarded their reforming opponents with distaste and they were both unwilling and unable to trust them; they regarded their own rule, over past years and recently, as benevolent and far above any self-interest their opponents believed they saw. Even the radical 11th duke of Norfolk who succeeded to the title in 1786 and died in 1815, political friend of Charles James Fox and an early supporter of reform, looked to influence voters in places as far apart as Horsham, Gloucester and Carlisle by his ‘borough-mongering’. Whatever their political leanings, many substantial landowners believed that they were entitled, even called, to use their resources to support candidates to maintain their own interests in Parliament. Foremost amongst such families were the Cecils, no longer just Earls of Exeter but members of the Marquessate since 1801. Their home, Burghley House, lay just outside the borough of Stamford, south of the river Welland, and in another county. They were by far the largest property owners in the town. There were others, however: significant numbers of charities in the town owed their income to the property with which they had been originally endowed. By the start of the nineteenth century many of these charities were controlled by the town council, itself also a considerable property owner and sympathetic – many would have said sycophantic, as some still do, - to the Cecil interest. The councillors themselves, many benefiting directly from Cecil patronage, largely supported the Exeter interest. Probably the most important of the charities under the control of the members of the town council was the town’s Grammar School, endowed at its foundation in the 1530s by William Radcliffe, mayor and leading citizen. This endowment had been strengthened with monastic and chantry property in the next decade. By the later 18th century the earls of Exeter had a positive policy of taking out long, frequently building, leases on both residential and commercial premises at very low rents – again, as many would have said, in collusion with the councillors [1] . In 1809 the annual income of the school from its endowment was about £360 (2024 – perhaps as much as £24,500 [2] ) of which the Exeter estate paid nearly one third for the properties it rented. Its hold on the electorate of the town was strengthened further as it sublet all these leased properties. The Horseshoe , at the heart of the town in Red Lion Square was among a number of licensed premises sub-let in this way. It was one of the eleven public houses (with a further two unidentified establishments) whose invoices, presented to Tennyson for April and May 1831, have recently appeared on eBay [3] . Unlike the many other so-called ‘pocket’ boroughs, Stamford had a large electorate. Voters qualified by paying scot and lot – a parochial tax equated, by the nineteenth century, with the poor rate assessment. On the death of George IV, the former Prince Regent, in 1830 and the accession of William IV, a general election became necessary. Charles Tennyson, (now largely remembered as uncle of the poet) of Bayons Manor at Tealby [4] , some three miles to the east of Market Rasen in the north of Lincolnshire, was invited to stand as Stamford’s reforming candidate [5] . In a lively election he failed to capture either of the two Stamford borough seats. Bayons Manor in 1820, before Charles Tennyson altered it extensively. Lord Thomas Cecil and Col Thomas Chaplin, the Exeter candidates, were elected, but Tennyson was a mere 21 votes behind Chaplin. In 1830 as many as 669 had been entitled to vote; estimates for the 1831 election suggest there were between 770 and 898 legitimate electors. No doubt the overall numbers had been increased by the efforts of Tennyson’s supporting committee – the Blue Committee – as well as the Exeter party - the Red Interest – both anxious to ensure that all qualified were correctly registered as electors. In 1797 it had been observed that Stamford, “always submits the nomination of its members to the Earl of Exeter,” suggesting the long-standing subservience to the family since the last fully contested election in 1734. An election in 1809 had turned out to be something of a farce [6] . It was this domination that Tennyson was looking to overthrow both in 1830 and 1831 [7] . The various means of promoting candidates and eliciting votes sound to modern ears like corruption – as most were, by any standard. Ready cash, food and drink, and support for the electors’ businesses, employment, housing and all kinds of pensions, would bring their reward at election time; fear was, perhaps, the most powerful weapon of all. The Marquess had himself carelessly helped his opponents after the 1830 election by personally coming into the town to help enforce the eviction of those of his tenants who had failed to support both his candidates – whether they had “plumped” – i.e. cast a single vote for Tennyson - or cautiously split their two votes between the Red and Blue candidates. Whether successful in one election or not, many candidates “nursed” their voters until the next time [8] . A consequence of the 1830 election in Stamford was that the supporters of reform presented a petition to the House of Commons claiming interference by the Marquess of Exeter in promoting his candidates during the 1830 election. Their claim failed, “through an omission in a matter of form” and the House, “refused to allow further opportunity for complying” [9] . At this time the countryside around Stamford was in turmoil, as was much of southern England. Agricultural machines were broken, ricks and barns were burned. Similar acts took place, or were threatened, with the aim of seeking redress for low agricultural wages and poor conditions and exploitation by landlords. A particular complaint was over the introduction of threshing machinery. These so-called “Swing” riots had started in August 1830 and continued into 1831. Locally the special constabulary and yeomanry were mobilised, and Sir John Trollope of Casewick in Uffington led a “huge party of mounted men from Stamford into Huntingdonshire.” A straw stack was set alight at Easton-on-the-Hill; at Warmington a machine was destroyed by a riotous assembly. Three rioters were arrested and taken to Oundle where they were successfully held overnight in spite of “the mob who demolished the outer gates of the bridewell-yard and partly stripped the roof of the building……” Such was the political climate leading up to the second of the elections at the start of the 1830s [10] . On the 6th May 1831, after Col Chaplin, once more the second Burghley candidate, had failed by 54 votes to gain the second Stamford seat in House of Commons, the Mercury commented on the breaking of “the long-established influence of the Marquess of Exeter, aided ….... on the present occasion by an immense expenditure of money (said to be not less than £14,000) ….... and by pugilists …… and hired labourers …….”. If such an accusation were accurate – and there seems to be considerable evidence to support it – the period of the election was what the Mercury called later in the same article, “a season of unusual excitement.” Certainly, an outlay approaching a million pounds in a failed attempt to block a rival political interest would indeed seem “unusual”. Unsurprisingly, there were great celebrations in Stamford after Tennyson had successfully contested that second borough seat despite the efforts of the Marquess of Exeter. Subsequently, bills for entertainment at the end of April and much of May were presented to Tennyson by landlords of at least eleven named public houses together with a further two invoices from individuals, perhaps acting on behalf of their landlords. It has been thought interesting, and perhaps worthwhile to append transcripts of all these bills at the end of this article. Together they illustrate something of the celebrations that occurred all over the borough itself, as well as spreading far wider. The invoices were largely addressed to Charles Tennyson Esq, some adding the courtesy of MP after his name; uniquely, John Sharpe Blades addressed his invoice to the ‘Blue Committee’, the colour of reform in Stamford. The invoice from the Salutation , though made out to Tennyson was endorsed with “Mr Beasly,” the name of the Chairman of his election committee which had agreed to meet all the Blue election expenses. There may very well have been other invoices, possibly from other establishments – the bill from the Salutation includes an unpaid earlier invoice dated 6th May, for £18-10-0, presumably mainly for hospitality provided up to that date. Most call for payment to the named landlord making it easy to trace the name of the inn or public house which had provided entertainment for voters and their friends who supported the cause of reform. The bill for the Glaziers Arms carries no landlord’s name but other sources show it was Edward Clipsham, a plumber (and presumably, glazier) who followed his trade while his two maiden sisters actually ran the public house which he had inherited from his mother in 1797. A note, in another hand at the foot of Clipsham’s bill, reads “This ac[coun]t I believe was not obtained by Mr Tennysons servant.” It was initialled, probably by a member of Tennyson’s election committee, suggesting that most of the invoices were systematically gathered for settlement. Two invoices were presented by named individuals, Robert Blake and John Sharpe Blades; they carry no indication of where or for whom they worked, and their names have not been found in any contemporary lists. Blake and Blades did not vote in any of the three elections at the start of the 1830s, suggesting that they did not pay the poor rate and were not property owners (in Stamford, at any rate), and so had no vote there. The landlords of the Black Horse , Horse and Jockey , Glaziers Arms , Chequers, Nags Head , Red Lion, Salutation and Stamford Arms, eight in total, voted exclusively for Tennyson at the 1831 election. In the jargon of the time they had “plumped” for Tennyson, choosing to use just one of their votes for him, and not using the other. Young at The Horseshoe and Abbot at the Roebuck , chose to use both their votes in 1831, splitting their support between Tennyson and Lord Thomas Cecil. It is not surprising therefore to find that all hosted celebrations at their premises at Tennyson’s success at his backers’ expense. Previously, in 1830, Preston of the Horse and Jockey and Saul of the Red Lion , had been rather more cautious and split their votes between the Burghley interest and the reformers but in the later 1832 election they each plumped for Arthur Gregory who had replaced Tennyson as the reforming candidate [11] . Abbott split his votes in both 1830 and 1831 though he also plumped for Gregory in 1832. Young of The Horseshoe , a tenant of the Marquess, had cast both his votes for the Burghley candidates in 1830 and, as keen reformers might have said, ‘prevaricated’ in 1831, returning to the Burghley fold in 1832. Surprisingly John Dickinson of the Stamford Arms and a tenant of a Snowden’s Hospital property administered by the town council, plumped for Tennyson in 1830 and 1831, splitting his votes between Cecil and Gregory in 1832. Clipsham and Saul plumped in all three years for the reforming candidate. And finally, Woodward, whose reforming credentials are perhaps strongest, since the Salutation was a home for independents does not appear to have registered a vote in 1832, having supported Tennyson in the previous two elections. The inn or public house is, according to tradition, the place where freedom to express an opinion is encouraged as people try out their views on their fellows – a place of good fellowship and lively discussion. However, the three elections in Stamford in the early 1830s suggest otherwise. In the urban setting, it would appear, people preferred to gather where they might meet people of similar opinion. The Salutation was a stronghold of members of the original Oddfellows Society in the town. It was also the meeting place of the Royal Society of United Brethren – both friendly societies, each supported by, and supporting, independently-minded tradesmen, craftsmen and townsmen. By contrast, properties in Red Lion Square, including the Horseshoe , had recently been rebuilt by their owner, the Marquess of Exeter. This is the background which makes John Young’s voting pattern rather more understandable – by all reports some Burghley tenants were ejected from their homes after the 1830 election, having failed to vote for Exeter candidates. Young took a considerable risk in splitting his vote in 1831 [12] . In 1833 a rival Oddfellows Society was established in the town: the Loyal Finch Independent Lodge of Oddfellows No 5 , based at Young’s establishment, the Horseshoe . It was named after the second Exeter candidate, successful in the 1832 election, George Finch of Burley on the Hill, near Oakham. On Monday 25th April 1831 both parties had begun their canvass “with a degree of energy unprecedented in Stamford. Some conflicts have occurred on …… the streets, but happily nothing serious has resulted from them.” [13] The next day no less than three letters were sent from the Blue Committee Room in Standwell’s Hotel to Tennyson. Two, signed by both Cecil and Chaplin, made “strong and urgent request” to “forbid the use of Bludgeons.” But the third, from Cecil alone, was far more carefully measured and antagonistic and personal in tone: “I would not wish to charge you with having made a statement wilfully untrue, but ..… you are perfectly mistaken in the idea you appear to entertain ….” And so on, leading ultimately to a challenge which resulted in a duel on Wormwood Scrubs after the election [14] . While the duel broke the law, honour was satisfied, both parties apologised, shook hands and went to a local police station where, on learning that all had been patched up, no charges were brought forward. However, returning to the Election campaign itself, a letter sent from Stamford by Tennyson’s son, George, indicates that the Reds were importing prize fighters and other disreputable characters: “The Marquis of Exeter has engaged a number of prize fighters to break the heads of the Blues. The day before yesterday [ie the Tuesday that the three letters were written by the Cecil and Chaplin] several came down – Oliver, Barker, Whiteheaded Bob, ….. [more]… of these ruffians are despatched from Town today.” [15] On April 28th, during the canvass, the Nags Head provided four gallons of ale for which Tennyson was later billed. The ale was for the musicians who probably formed the band which the Mercury reported met Sir William Ingleby and Mr Pelham, the Lincolnshire reforming candidates, and escorted them through Stamford with blue flags. An extra 1½ gallons, as well as tobacco, were provided at the Red Lion on 2nd May – presumably these musicians paraded with Tennyson supporters throughout the canvass and the poll. A day later Walford at the Nags Head invoiced Tennyson for providing “Post Boys and [Sedan] Chairmen” with some 20 pints of ale. It would seem likely that they had been employed by the “Blue Committee” carrying messages and voters to the Poll and perhaps also the two bottles of sherry and one bottle of port sent to the hustings from the Red Lion ! The Committee would have met their basic charges while also giving them authority to claim a quantity of ale, the amount probably already agreed, at the Nags Head [16] . Voting took place in public, over several days, starting on Saturday 30th April, resuming on Monday 2nd May and ending on Tuesday 3rd May. Stamford printers, following common practice, issued handbills showing the state of the poll at the close of each day’s voting, enabling those interested to keep a close check on how each candidate was doing. When all was over and settled one or more copies of the Poll Book were published showing the results with a list of how each elector had voted [17] . Thus landlords, their agents and anyone else interested could check who each voter (and especially their tenants) had supported. After Tennyson’s success in 1831 large numbers gave themselves over to rejoicing at the final “triumph of Reform” in Stamford. There were various celebrations round the town in “friendly” public houses. The evening chosen for these rejoicings was Tuesday, 17th May. Tennyson had been charged for many gallons of ale during and immediately after the election itself as the missing invoice for £18-10-0, presented on the 6th May by the Salutation , probably indicates. No doubt this substantial sum (£1,550+) had been spent providing entertainment and encouragement to voters during the election itself as well as celebration on some scale, immediately afterwards; all the surviving invoices indicate the provision of considerable quantities of ale – about 250 gallons (or 2,000 pints – 1,135 litres!) - supplied before the 17th May. Organised celebrations in the public houses of the town took place that Tuesday evening: in all more than 187 dinners were served costing Tennyson 2s 6d each then and now about £10.00, perhaps. With the food came more than 175 bowls of punch, each costing double the price of a meal. It is not clear what went into the punch, but the overall price suggests both a potent mixture and a large quantity. In addition, a wide range of spirits was provided – brandy at eight shillings a bottle, rum six shillings and gin four shillings and sixpence - £40, £30 and £22.50 respectively. Sherry, port, and unspecified wines all were to be paid for. One must assume that a rather larger number than just those 187 diners enjoyed Tennyson’s hospitality. During the celebrations on the 17th and over the next ten days a further 350 gallons (2,800 pints, nearly 1,600 litres) of ale were also charged to the Tennyson account! However different social levels demanded different entertainments. A week after the parties for which we have invoices at the pubs there was a dinner and ball celebrating the success of reform candidates in Stamford and elsewhere in Lincolnshire. An advertisement in the Stamford Mercury of 20th May announced a “spacious Booth beautifully fitted up for the occasion”, specially erected in Broad Street where a dinner was to be held. Tickets for this were priced at ten shillings a head [18] . This seems a realistic amount for a celebration dinner including dessert and a bottle of wine – which was included with the ticket. Moreover, it was “hoped that all Gentlemen attending the Dinner will honor Mr. Tennyson by accepting Tickets for the Ball .” So consecutive evenings out, Tuesday and Wednesday 24th and 25th May, for the price of one, to celebrate (and hopefully cement) Stamford’s substantial backing for the reform of Parliament. “Gentlemen intending to dine will please to signify their intention to Mr Hortor, at the Bar of the Tennyson's Arms and George and Angel Hotel , Stamford ….” While “Gentlemen” might have been able to afford the tickets for the grand Dinner and Ball at the booth built in Broad Street, it is quite clear that many of Tennyson’s Stamford supporters could not possibly have afforded a ticket – and probably would not have felt comfortable attending a formal dinner and subsequent ball. The George and Angel had served as Tennyson’s election headquarters in the weeks before the poll – facing straight down St Mary’s Hill, it overlooked the hustings outside the Town Hall where voters declared, for all to hear, for whom they were casting their votes. At present there is no evidence that Hortor presented any invoices to Tennyson who had first been attracted to Stamford at short notice in 1830 by the promise that his election costs would be met by the Committee of supporters. The name of the George and Angel , one of the oldest inns in Stamford, was well known [19] ; the addition of Tennyson’s name and coat of arms took place well before the second election, appearing in print in an advertisement in the Mercury in early March 1831 [20] . Almost next door to the George and Angel , and awkwardly placed behind St Mary’s Church, stood the recently built Stamford Hotel on the site of the former Bull Inn . Sir Gerard Noel of nearby Exton Hall in Rutland had spent a reported £43,000 building this [21] and hoped it would be a centre of resistance to the Burghley influence on voters in Stamford, but his defeat in the 1812 election, after such great expense left his hopes unfulfilled. Known as Standwell’s Hotel after its lessee in 1825, it had become the headquarters in the 1830s of the Burghley candidates – an ironic reversal of fortune and a warning which cannot have been lost on the citizens of Stamford [22] . Arrangements for the entertainment at the “Booth” were planned. On the 23rd May, Robert Saul supplied 12 pints of ale for the “Mutitioners [sic – presumably ‘musicians’ was intended] at Orchestra,” Clearly, an orchestra had been gathered and were preparing for the ball. The Stamford Mercury of the 27th May reports on both dinner and ball. Attending were not only all the newly elected reforming MPs for Lincolnshire and Rutland, Sir William Ingilby and Sir Gerard Noel, but “General Johnson [23] , Major Handley [24] and numerous parties of gentlemen from Boston, Spalding, Holbeach, Deeping, Bourn and other towns of this and the neighbouring counties.” The Mercury report makes it clear that the dinner itself was a male only occasion: “…. The gentlemen were honoured after dinner with the presence of Lady Tennyson and her daughters, Lady Ingilby and a large party of ladies of the town and neighbourhood.” For them “accommodation had been provided that they might hear the speeches.” The Mercury offers no indication of the content, quality or reception of the speeches, simply stating, “The day’s proceedings, it may be truly said, passed off with the most admirable effect.” The ball “for which so ardent anticipation had been felt by an immense class of individuals” took place following evening. Again, the marquee in Broad Street – always referred to as a “booth” – 130 feet by 40 feet (40m x 12m) was used, though the number attending was far greater than for the dinner. To provide the additional accommodation the ”spacious portico of the market” [25] was fitted up for dancing; the “numerous intervening shambles of the butchery, each of which was converted into a receptacle for refreshments, …… was presided over by ladies of a committee who kindly devoted themselves to the service.” Flowers and evergreen shrubs were everywhere, and the lighting was “beautifully” done with “variegated light formed into the most magnificent devices” in the booth. “Order and harmony” reigned throughout the evening and during a break in the dancing, Tennyson was presented with a silver vase, costing 100 guineas (today perhaps £9,000) which his supporters had collected to commemorate his success. Inevitably speeches followed. Most remarkable about the Mercury account of the ball are the words “the immense number of five thousand persons [26] were entertained in this magic scene…………..” Scarcely less remarkable is the way this sentence continues, “between eight o’clock on Wednesday evening and seven o’clock on the following morning.” Some celebration! The supporters of the Red party had their own celebration – and the Mercury duly recorded this also. They reported that on Tuesday 31st May supporters were “entertained with dinner at 30 of the inns and public houses of Stamford. About 700 persons partook of this festivity, which is estimated to have cost about £1 a man, ” [my italics!] . According to the Poll Book just 382 voters had cast at least one of their votes for the Exeter candidates. So it would appear that this celebration, like Tennyson’s, was attended by many who were not qualified to vote in the Stamford constituency. The Mercury’s report is short and betrays the paper’s political bias, reflecting its owner’s bias, in favour of reform; the comment on the cost of the Red celebration – perhaps £60,000 today – was a reminder to its readers of those reports a month earlier about how the Cecils had tried to manage the electors of the borough. Tennyson’s Dinner and Ball provided opportunities for the public houses in Broad Street to make further profit out of his success. On the night of the Ball the Salutation supplied “Brandy for [the] Booth” as well as having a “man employed in Making the Tea”, and a coal porter. Afterwards, having perhaps been responsible for fitting out the large marquee used for the dinner and ball, Saul claimed for “Things not returned from the Booth: 1 chair, 9 mugs, 1 quart jug and one half pint pewter” valuing the items at the equivalent of about £40 today. At the Red Lion there were losses of glasses and mugs over the election period to a similar amount. The Nags Head claimed from Tennyson the cost of providing “the lamp trimmers Ale &c” while the illuminations were kept bright. They also provided “tin cans, taps and pail,” presumably for the barrels of ale brought to the marquee. An unspecified number of waiters tried to ensure everything ran smoothly at the Nags Head . Nevertheless, unsurprisingly, amid all the celebrations accidents occurred. The breakages of glass at the Nags Head, Red Lion and Salutation cost the equivalent of at least £50 today. All the effort and expense, revealed in these bills, together with the extreme celebrations in the Booth made no direct difference whatsoever to Stamford in the short term. Tennyson and his fellow MP reformers brought the bill proposing reform of the electoral system to Parliament. Accepted by the Commons but rejected by the House of Lords – largely the people who benefited most from the existing franchise – widespread riots ensued; Bristol, Nottingham and Derby, among many other places, suffered severely. Faced with chaos, and the royal threat of the creation of enough peers to pass a Reform Bill, the Lords capitulated and the Reform Act received royal assent in the June of 1832. Nationally, this enlarged the franchise, particularly in the ‘new’ industrial towns of the North and, importantly, showed the way political change might be achieved. In Stamford the borough franchise was extended, and the constituency enlarged to include properties south of the Welland. Many inhabitants of St Martin’s became new electors in this enlarged Stamford constituency. The Exeter interest, owning the majority of the newly enfranchised properties in St Martin’s, was strengthened overwhelmingly as a result. Before the 1832 election, when the new electoral register was to be used, Tennyson left Stamford to take the far safer seat of Lambeth which he held for the next twenty years. Many of his supporters were upset, unsurprisingly, believing he had let them down. It was another 40 years, until the arrival of the secret ballot in 1872, that it became possible for Stamford electors to vote freely, without any fear of the consequences. Bayons Manor after it had been enlarged by Charles Tennyson [1] Blore’s Stanford Charities published in 1813 was a critical investigation into management of the so-called municipal charities. It anticipates many of the findings of the Charity Commissioners presented to Parliament in 1837, which was summarised in a lengthy Appendix by George Burton, Chronology of Stamford , Stamford, 1846. [2] See introduction, above. [3] See Appendix for a transcription of these invoices [4] In an ‘ongoing fit of medievalism’ in 1835, Tennyson renamed his inherited home, Bacons , as the far grander Bayons Manor – hopefully revealing a connection with Bayeaux. He also tacked “d’Eyncourt” to his surname. [5] Tennyson was already known as a reformer – he had been a MP for Grimsby from 1818-26 and subsequently Bletchingdon in Surrey until 1831. See History of Parliament , relevant entries [6] It was held just a fortnight after the duke of Ancaster had died with the result that Gen. Bertie, one of the two Stamford MPs and a friend of the Burghley interest, was raised to the peerage as the Earl of Lindsey. As a member of the House of Lords, he could no longer represent Stamford in the Commons, so a new MP was required. A rank outsider, said to have been a traveller through the town, polled nearly one third of the total votes. [7] See, The House of Commons, 1820–1832, History of Parliament Trust, ed. D. R. Fisher, Vol 3 sub Stamford. Also, History of the Original Constitution of Parliaments, T.H.B. Oldfield, London 1797, p.428. [8] In Stamford the Town Council Minute Book as far back as 1704 had recorded that the two most recent mayors had each received £100, perhaps equivalent to £20,000 today, from Mr Cecil and Mr Bertie, “to be distributed among the voaters of this town”. And this may possibly have been regarded as an annual ‘donation’! [9] Stamford Mercury 3 Dec 1830 [10] See the article, The Agricultural Labourers' Standard of Living in Lincolnshire, 1790-1840: Social Protest and Public Order, by T.L. Richardson in Agricultural History Review, 4I , x, pp 1-19 for a much fuller discussion of the local background to the 1831 election. [11] See elsewhere on this site, “Anonymous Abuse - 1830s style” about Tennyson’s decision not to stand for Stamford again in the 1832 election. [12] In 1847, after a debate about interference in the election in Stamford in that year, the House of Commons passed a motion (by one vote – 178 to 177!) to appoint a Select Committee to “inquire into the allegations ……. complaining of the interference of the Marquess of Exeter,” in the 1847 “and former elections.” The Select Committee Report on the Stamford Election of 1847 , (Parliamentary Papers, HC 532, 1847-1848, v.14) is highly critical of the tactics used by the Marquess and his agents, not least the ejection of tenants as a result of their not voting for their landlord’s candidates. [13] Stamford Mercury , Friday 29th April 1831, p.3 col.1 [14] The three letters are to be found in Lincolnshire Archives, 2Td’EH26/1, 2 & 4. Reports of the duel are to be found in the Stamford Mercury 23 June 1831, and many national newspapers, as well as local papers throughout the country. Drakard’s Stamford News , as might be expected from such a radical source, carries in great detail the names and background of many of the Special Constables brought in by the Exeter family, as well as full details of the origins of the duel – DSN 24 June 1831. [15] Lincolnshire Archives Td’E H/109/32. Drakard News carries a list of these “ruffians” (many former policemen) DSN 24 June 1831 [16] It is important to remember that messages had to be carried, as did people, and the carriers formed an important part of the structure of any pre-twentieth century community. [17] Sometimes, usually when a poll was very close, the “State of the Parties” was issued more frequently than daily. Poll books, often contain a running summary of daily happenings, giving the opportunity for each side subsequently to interpret events as they saw fit. [18] 10 shillings was half of one pound, so a modern equivalent might be about £50. [19] A property in St Mary’s parish called the Angel is recorded from the early 14th century (People & Property in Medieval Stamford No.758.28) and it appears to have been an inn by the late 15th. Early in the Georgian period the name was expanded, first to the Angel and George and then to the George and Angel . [20] On 11 March 1831 a new name, Tennyson’s Arms, replaced George and Angel . A month earlier still, on 10 February, William and Mary Everard had named their son Charles Tennyson at his baptism! (Stamford St John - Registers). [21] Chronology of Stamford , George Burton (Stamford & London 1846) p.194 – at least £4 million today [22] The riots occasioned by the close proximity of the two election headquarters form yet another strand to the story of the Stamford elections of the 1830s. Ultimately the ratepayers of the town had to make good the costs of the damage to the George and Angel , avoiding a law suit threatened by Hortor: LAO Stamford St Michael’s Vestry Book 20 June 1833. [23] William Augustus Johnson, of Witham on the Hill was a former MP for Boston, and later for Oldham, and a leading figure in South Lincolnshire after 1815. [24] Henry Handley, of Sleaford was MP for the Southern Division of Lincolnshire 1832-1841 [25] Now the Town Library, originally built to accommodate the Butchers’ shambles. [26] Italics in original report. In 1831 Stamford’s population was 5,837 according to the census of that year. There is an appendix to this article which can be viewed by clicking the link below. A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

< Back Hearth Tax Return for St Martin's, Stamford - 31st July 1663 Professor Alan Roger THE HEARTH TAX RETURN FOR THE LIBERTY OF NASSABURGH, FOR 31st JULY, 1663 [Stamford St Martin's section only in this extract] note by Tim Halliday of Peterborough. Stamford Survey Group wish to thank him for permission to reproduce the Stamford section of these returns. INTRODUCTORY NOTE This is the earliest hearth tax return surviving for any part of Northamptonshire and is now to be found in the Public Record Office under reference PRO/E179/254/12. The date of the Return is a little misleading in that the regnal year is stated on the first membrane to be 4 Charles II, whereas it was made in the fourth year of the King's return to England, namely 1663, being more correctly 12 Charles II. The manuscript consists of twelve rotulets stitched together at the head and the title given above is intended literally, since it covers the whole of Nassaburgh but no other hundreds of Northamptonshire. The manuscript is in very good condition throughout. The Return is divided into separate sections for each ward of the City of Peterborough and each vill or hamlet outside the urban area of the City. At the end of each such section, the manuscript provides a total, which refers to the number of hearths therein. The totals of entries provided in italics at the end of each section have been added to the transcript so as to show the number of buildings assessed in each such ward, vill or hamlet. The entries for Peterborough and its hamlets, including Eye, are grouped together in an orderly manner, then Paston and its hamlets, followed by Glinton and Peakirk (which two ecclesiastical parishes form one manor) but thereafter the entries follow an itinerary passing backwards and forwards across the northern part of the Liberty, hamlets often appearing before their mother villages or quite apart from them, before the itinerary reaches Stamford St Martin's, after which it progresses south through the western parishes to Wansford, then east through the hamlets of Castor before terminating with Castor itself. T M H, 1986 [ Mem 10] St.Martin's Stamford Baron Fyer Harths A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

< Back The Incumbents of the Stamford Churches c.1886 By Chris Hunt From Simpson Papers in Town Hall, My Notes Vol 1 pp.6 & 8 Limericks have always been popular, especially in the later C19th after Edward Lear published a series in 1845. However these reflect the attitude from the organ loft of one church ….. Six churches so six incumbents – those were the days! – JSH Found among the papers of St Michael’s Church c.1970 “Some Evangelists and some Pastors and Teachers.” Stamford St. Martin’s Rev. Chancellor My first is the Chancellor haughty It’s nice, folks have said, but it’s naughty With maidens to play At all hours of the day So be careful, my Chancellor haughty. St. Mary Rev Wickham My second’s th’evangelist Wickham With grace, meet and unction to lick ‘em If he’d sit rather less And stand more, I’d bless The burning and shining light, Wickhan. St. John Rev. Waller My third‘s the uxorious Waller Whose truths are not easy to swaller To blackguard the Pope Seems the limit and scope Of the brainless book learning of Waller. All .Saint Rev. Oldfield My fourth is the sociable Oldfield Who they say has the wealth of a goldfield His nieces are charming But it’s more than alarming To sit for an hour under Oldfield St. George.Rev. HB Browning My fifth is the invalid Browning Much given to fireside and frowning When the Litany’s said Then he’s off to his bed The prudent but profitless Browning St. Michael Rev.H. Macdougall My sixth’s the well loving Macdougall This last rouses black bile and blue gall If your voice is in trim Try his Jubilee Hymn And you’ll make some remarks on Macdougall “ 1886 By Messrs. Hailstone (tutor) and Harvey, (Organist, St. George) “ A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next

< Back Nora Blake: young Stamford pacifist K Hansell, N J Sheehan 2021 Following the World War One exhibition at Stamford Arts Centre in November 2018, the Society was contacted by Paul Markwell regarding his mother Nora Blake. As a thirteen-year-old schoolgirl in Stamford, Nora wrote the winning essay in a national competition for children of ex-servicemen. Her achievement was reported in The Stamford and Rutland News on Tuesday May 8, 1934, and the essay was reproduced in full in the next issue of the newspaper. Stamford St George’s School Girl’s Prize Essay 1934 Nora Blake (aged 13) War War! The very word makes me shiver. Although the Great War ended before I was born, I know enough about it to realise that all countries concerned are still suffering from its results. We are all paying the penalty. No country can spend four years in destruction, blowing millions of pounds in the air in the form of shells, without suffering from chaos. The whole of the industrialised world was disorganised, and as a consequence many soldiers who survived from the war without serious consequences came back only to find it impossible to secure employment. Also thousands of families mourn the loss of loved ones, and thousands more have the care of those who were disabled, the blind, the crippled, the insane. Truly war levies a terrible toll. Without dwelling unduly on the horrors of war, or its far-reaching ill effects on the community, I think that all will agree that the great task of this generation is to arrange international affairs so that another war is avoided. Politicians during the war, I understand, talked a lot about it being a war to end war and since 1918 the League of Nations has had a meeting in Geneva with this end in view. Disarmament Conferences have been held and there has been much talk between nations. But, while every country agrees that war should end, the nations have not been able to form any plans to satisfy all. Every conference has closed without achieving any tangible result and this is a very disappointing state of affairs. After sixteen years of conferences we find that the nations mistrust each other and are afraid to put down armaments. Suspicion is the order of the day and we find nations arranging to spend more money on defence services. All are seeking security but will a competition in armaments give security? Let us consider this question. This makes us think about the next war. I think that there will be as much difference in the next war and the Great War as there was between that and the Napoleonic Wars. I think death will come from the air in the form of gas and poison bombs. Attacks will take us by surprise and the result will be that large cities, with all their inhabitants, will be wiped out in a few hours. It seems very possible to spend all out lives in defence and yet be unsafe. What is the alternative? Just this. All lovers of peace must continue to work for gradual disarmament, even if their cause seems hopeless. All education should have this end view. Public demonstrations of a warlike nature should be avoided. Children should not be taken to torchlight tattoos and boys should not be encouraged to play with toy soldiers. An international army, having all the armaments of the world, should keep peace in the same way that the police force keeps civil peace. It is very rarely that a policeman has to fight but the knowledge that he is there, backed by the powers of justice, is generally sufficient to keep us safe from robbery and violence and I think that is the ideal for all peace lovers, for the world to be policed. Now, no idea was ever realised easily. Rome was not built in a day and all the countries of the world will not become suddenly reasonable. But if all people who believe, as I do, will work and pray for “The Day”, it will come. It may not be in our time. But good citizens are always content to work for a future generation. In our school we have a book on citizenship which has on the cover a figure of the head of Jesus. It has two faces. So, in school, we learn the history of the past. We find that great progress has been made and that the world is much better to live in than it was in the middle ages. When we compare conditions with what they are today, we should be optimistic for the future. Shades of the great reformers of all times encourage us to carry on with the good work and not to doubt the ultimate result. It also seems to me that all nations are waiting for someone to take the lead. They are like children. I frequently hear children say “I will if you will” but no one wants to that the initiative. I believe that if France would only begin, Germany would be glad to follow and vice versa. I wish one country would have the courage to tell the world “We will disarm by 1950”. If the country could be my own, I should be very proud. I for one would be willing to take the risk. If I am to have a sticky finish, I should like to know that my country has done the right thing. If the world persists in arming, a future war is inevitable. It may not be in my time, but as a good citizen, that is no consolation. I am aware that all I have said is idealistic, but nevertheless, all good peace-loving people must work for peace on these lines, looking with the eye of faith for the glorious dawn of the day when “Swords shall be turned into plough-shares and spears into pruning hooks” The Winning Medal Nora Blake was the third of the four children of Frank and Vida Blake, with an elder brother John, sister, Olive and a younger brother, Ken. They were all born and brought up in Stamford. Nora left school at 15 and went to work at Martin-Markham Ltd where she met her future husband, Len Markwell. In later life she was known as "Jill". Len and Jill moved to Ryhall in 1956 where they lived for over 50 years. Jill Markwell continued to write for pleasure, often poems that she would send to friends. She was always very proud of the medal that she won in the national competition when she was 13. Jill sadly passed away in May 2009. A print version can be downloaded HERE Previous Next